Mr Curtis: Yes, you get criticised for that. Adam … The Economist: I suspect that these Silicon Valley platforms wouldn't be so popular if they didn't reflect our desire for quick justice and our lack of curiosity about the people we disagree with. I made a film about that arch-individualist Ayn Rand. But those who run the world now don’t want you to think that. Racism is born out of fear. It should look at the situation, like a good journalist does, and realise that people feel that it isn’t working because you and I know that’s true. The story of the American-Saudi Alliance and how the petrodollar gave America a seemingly unlimited credit card and lead to today’s endless wars in the Middle East. We’re all waiting for a white knight. Mr Curtis: He also went slightly bonkers.

There’s something deep going on in our society and all novels are dystopian now. Science has gone from being an optimistic source to a pessimistic source. Maybe we’re getting trapped by those feelings. So in a way, he is part of the hypernormal situation because it’s a politics of pantomime locked together with its critics. The Economist: I have a lot here. Look, hang on, countries are an act of imagination aren’t they? If you’re new to Adam Curtis and his artistic documentary style, you should start by watching the 5-minute trailer for his latest film HyperNormalisation. Mr Curtis: Wait—can I be The Economist for a moment? But Kutuzov, who everyone derides in the novel and who is in charge of defending Moscow, says “No, you can’t control the world because it’s chaos—but there are moments within the chaos that you can use for your own purpose”. He had stains on his jumper. Adam Curtis’s music supervisor, Gavin Miller, shares some the arpeggiated synths and creepy atmospherics that score Curtis’s latest documentary, The cult doc-maker explores the falsity of modern life in his own inimitable style. The Economist: Yes. We’ve been led into a world which I think is incredibly dangerous and terribly sad, because we could be trying to change the world. AC: I think it’s because they spend their time online nowadays, making jumps. The films themselves are a collage of archival footage, words on screen and fast montages that create sprawling, idealistic-yet-dark narratives on the changing relationships among people, politics, philosophy, psychology, economics and power. People voted for Trump because they’re really pissed off. The idea that we are faced by a giant terrorist threat was not true. They’re locked into describing the pantomime politics and they’re not looking to what Mr Michael Pence is really up to, and what’s really happening outside the theatre. McKay’s kaleidoscopic approach – the narrative chopped up, and peppered with asides and data breaks – recalls the larky yet hard-hitting style of the British journalist and film-maker Adam Curtis, the person behind films such as The Power of Nightmares and Bitter Lake. But they make up stories out of facts too, but when they do it, it’s boring.

Meanwhile, goods come from China and cost nothing. More specifically, it’s story warfare. On this movie, at a point early on, we go with Cheney to his mother-in-law’s funeral, and then we jump to him later as Dick Cheney in the modern era ordering the extraordinary rendition of a cleric. that’s what you’re really saying, isn’t it?

It’s torture porn for the baby-boomer generation. “Evans is not an exception.

It’s fascinating. You come out, and all the architecture has plants growing through it.

Mr Curtis: No. So, what’s fake about the narratives of history often told in the mass media? The Economist: Indeed. The Economist: That’s quite alright. AM: The entire reason I made the movie was because of what you just said. Mr Curtis: Yeah, that’s a journalist’s job. People ask why they can’t have a better standard of living, but they also have this thing in their heads asking what it’s all about. AM: The idea is that nine people from our time are frozen in some accident and come back 200 years from now. And they also feel quite flattered that you’re saying to them: “OK, catch up.” Rather than: “I’m patronising you.” They work at it and they like it. It has the capacity to manage us very well.

Mr Curtis: Of course, racism is in there but it’s not the driving force. They’re beginning to feel the walls shaking around them, and they should take notice or somebody else who’s not very nice is going to come in and take those reins of power and lead us to somewhere we don’t want to go to. Explores the relationship between the United Kingdom and the United States from World War I to the 1980s. Mr Curtis: What no one saw coming was the effect of individualism on politics. AC: I think there is a great capacity among those on the left to tell good stories, but that they’re frightened of doing it. He also had moments of hope.

I’m waiting for a politician on the left to come along and say that. [Blaster] Thank you for your time Curtis! Mr Curtis: Not by saying “We should be happy and nice,” but by saying “Let’s look back and see how they actually went wrong”. I can take the punch in the mouth. The Economist: But people prefer stability to poverty. Mr Curtis: A lot of the left think it is. The Economist: What you really nailed at the end of “The Monkey In the Machine and the Machine In the Monkey”…. Copyright © The Economist Newspaper Limited 2020.

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Mr Curtis: Yes, you get criticised for that. Adam … The Economist: I suspect that these Silicon Valley platforms wouldn't be so popular if they didn't reflect our desire for quick justice and our lack of curiosity about the people we disagree with. I made a film about that arch-individualist Ayn Rand. But those who run the world now don’t want you to think that. Racism is born out of fear. It should look at the situation, like a good journalist does, and realise that people feel that it isn’t working because you and I know that’s true. The story of the American-Saudi Alliance and how the petrodollar gave America a seemingly unlimited credit card and lead to today’s endless wars in the Middle East. We’re all waiting for a white knight. Mr Curtis: He also went slightly bonkers.

There’s something deep going on in our society and all novels are dystopian now. Science has gone from being an optimistic source to a pessimistic source. Maybe we’re getting trapped by those feelings. So in a way, he is part of the hypernormal situation because it’s a politics of pantomime locked together with its critics. The Economist: I have a lot here. Look, hang on, countries are an act of imagination aren’t they? If you’re new to Adam Curtis and his artistic documentary style, you should start by watching the 5-minute trailer for his latest film HyperNormalisation. Mr Curtis: Wait—can I be The Economist for a moment? But Kutuzov, who everyone derides in the novel and who is in charge of defending Moscow, says “No, you can’t control the world because it’s chaos—but there are moments within the chaos that you can use for your own purpose”. He had stains on his jumper. Adam Curtis’s music supervisor, Gavin Miller, shares some the arpeggiated synths and creepy atmospherics that score Curtis’s latest documentary, The cult doc-maker explores the falsity of modern life in his own inimitable style. The Economist: Yes. We’ve been led into a world which I think is incredibly dangerous and terribly sad, because we could be trying to change the world. AC: I think it’s because they spend their time online nowadays, making jumps. The films themselves are a collage of archival footage, words on screen and fast montages that create sprawling, idealistic-yet-dark narratives on the changing relationships among people, politics, philosophy, psychology, economics and power. People voted for Trump because they’re really pissed off. The idea that we are faced by a giant terrorist threat was not true. They’re locked into describing the pantomime politics and they’re not looking to what Mr Michael Pence is really up to, and what’s really happening outside the theatre. McKay’s kaleidoscopic approach – the narrative chopped up, and peppered with asides and data breaks – recalls the larky yet hard-hitting style of the British journalist and film-maker Adam Curtis, the person behind films such as The Power of Nightmares and Bitter Lake. But they make up stories out of facts too, but when they do it, it’s boring.

Meanwhile, goods come from China and cost nothing. More specifically, it’s story warfare. On this movie, at a point early on, we go with Cheney to his mother-in-law’s funeral, and then we jump to him later as Dick Cheney in the modern era ordering the extraordinary rendition of a cleric. that’s what you’re really saying, isn’t it?

It’s torture porn for the baby-boomer generation. “Evans is not an exception.

It’s fascinating. You come out, and all the architecture has plants growing through it.

Mr Curtis: No. So, what’s fake about the narratives of history often told in the mass media? The Economist: Indeed. The Economist: That’s quite alright. AM: The entire reason I made the movie was because of what you just said. Mr Curtis: Yeah, that’s a journalist’s job. People ask why they can’t have a better standard of living, but they also have this thing in their heads asking what it’s all about. AM: The idea is that nine people from our time are frozen in some accident and come back 200 years from now. And they also feel quite flattered that you’re saying to them: “OK, catch up.” Rather than: “I’m patronising you.” They work at it and they like it. It has the capacity to manage us very well.

Mr Curtis: Of course, racism is in there but it’s not the driving force. They’re beginning to feel the walls shaking around them, and they should take notice or somebody else who’s not very nice is going to come in and take those reins of power and lead us to somewhere we don’t want to go to. Explores the relationship between the United Kingdom and the United States from World War I to the 1980s. Mr Curtis: What no one saw coming was the effect of individualism on politics. AC: I think there is a great capacity among those on the left to tell good stories, but that they’re frightened of doing it. He also had moments of hope.

I’m waiting for a politician on the left to come along and say that. [Blaster] Thank you for your time Curtis! Mr Curtis: Not by saying “We should be happy and nice,” but by saying “Let’s look back and see how they actually went wrong”. I can take the punch in the mouth. The Economist: But people prefer stability to poverty. Mr Curtis: A lot of the left think it is. The Economist: What you really nailed at the end of “The Monkey In the Machine and the Machine In the Monkey”…. Copyright © The Economist Newspaper Limited 2020.

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Mr Curtis: Yes, you get criticised for that. Adam … The Economist: I suspect that these Silicon Valley platforms wouldn't be so popular if they didn't reflect our desire for quick justice and our lack of curiosity about the people we disagree with. I made a film about that arch-individualist Ayn Rand. But those who run the world now don’t want you to think that. Racism is born out of fear. It should look at the situation, like a good journalist does, and realise that people feel that it isn’t working because you and I know that’s true. The story of the American-Saudi Alliance and how the petrodollar gave America a seemingly unlimited credit card and lead to today’s endless wars in the Middle East. We’re all waiting for a white knight. Mr Curtis: He also went slightly bonkers.

There’s something deep going on in our society and all novels are dystopian now. Science has gone from being an optimistic source to a pessimistic source. Maybe we’re getting trapped by those feelings. So in a way, he is part of the hypernormal situation because it’s a politics of pantomime locked together with its critics. The Economist: I have a lot here. Look, hang on, countries are an act of imagination aren’t they? If you’re new to Adam Curtis and his artistic documentary style, you should start by watching the 5-minute trailer for his latest film HyperNormalisation. Mr Curtis: Wait—can I be The Economist for a moment? But Kutuzov, who everyone derides in the novel and who is in charge of defending Moscow, says “No, you can’t control the world because it’s chaos—but there are moments within the chaos that you can use for your own purpose”. He had stains on his jumper. Adam Curtis’s music supervisor, Gavin Miller, shares some the arpeggiated synths and creepy atmospherics that score Curtis’s latest documentary, The cult doc-maker explores the falsity of modern life in his own inimitable style. The Economist: Yes. We’ve been led into a world which I think is incredibly dangerous and terribly sad, because we could be trying to change the world. AC: I think it’s because they spend their time online nowadays, making jumps. The films themselves are a collage of archival footage, words on screen and fast montages that create sprawling, idealistic-yet-dark narratives on the changing relationships among people, politics, philosophy, psychology, economics and power. People voted for Trump because they’re really pissed off. The idea that we are faced by a giant terrorist threat was not true. They’re locked into describing the pantomime politics and they’re not looking to what Mr Michael Pence is really up to, and what’s really happening outside the theatre. McKay’s kaleidoscopic approach – the narrative chopped up, and peppered with asides and data breaks – recalls the larky yet hard-hitting style of the British journalist and film-maker Adam Curtis, the person behind films such as The Power of Nightmares and Bitter Lake. But they make up stories out of facts too, but when they do it, it’s boring.

Meanwhile, goods come from China and cost nothing. More specifically, it’s story warfare. On this movie, at a point early on, we go with Cheney to his mother-in-law’s funeral, and then we jump to him later as Dick Cheney in the modern era ordering the extraordinary rendition of a cleric. that’s what you’re really saying, isn’t it?

It’s torture porn for the baby-boomer generation. “Evans is not an exception.

It’s fascinating. You come out, and all the architecture has plants growing through it.

Mr Curtis: No. So, what’s fake about the narratives of history often told in the mass media? The Economist: Indeed. The Economist: That’s quite alright. AM: The entire reason I made the movie was because of what you just said. Mr Curtis: Yeah, that’s a journalist’s job. People ask why they can’t have a better standard of living, but they also have this thing in their heads asking what it’s all about. AM: The idea is that nine people from our time are frozen in some accident and come back 200 years from now. And they also feel quite flattered that you’re saying to them: “OK, catch up.” Rather than: “I’m patronising you.” They work at it and they like it. It has the capacity to manage us very well.

Mr Curtis: Of course, racism is in there but it’s not the driving force. They’re beginning to feel the walls shaking around them, and they should take notice or somebody else who’s not very nice is going to come in and take those reins of power and lead us to somewhere we don’t want to go to. Explores the relationship between the United Kingdom and the United States from World War I to the 1980s. Mr Curtis: What no one saw coming was the effect of individualism on politics. AC: I think there is a great capacity among those on the left to tell good stories, but that they’re frightened of doing it. He also had moments of hope.

I’m waiting for a politician on the left to come along and say that. [Blaster] Thank you for your time Curtis! Mr Curtis: Not by saying “We should be happy and nice,” but by saying “Let’s look back and see how they actually went wrong”. I can take the punch in the mouth. The Economist: But people prefer stability to poverty. Mr Curtis: A lot of the left think it is. The Economist: What you really nailed at the end of “The Monkey In the Machine and the Machine In the Monkey”…. Copyright © The Economist Newspaper Limited 2020.

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